By Ralph Darlington
Through the first 20 years of the 20th century, amidst a unprecedented overseas upsurge in strike motion, the guidelines of progressive syndicalism built right into a significant impression in the all over the world exchange union flow. devoted to destroying capitalism via direct business motion and progressive alternate union fight, the flow raised primary questions on the necessity for brand spanking new and democratic kinds of energy by which employees may perhaps jointly deal with and society.This examine presents an all-embracing comparative research of the dynamics and trajectory of the syndicalist move in six particular nations: France, Spain, Italy, the United States, Britain and eire. this is often completed via an exam of the philosophy of syndicalism and the numerous kinds that syndicalist firms assumed; the unique fiscal, social and political context during which they emerged; the level to which syndicalism prompted wider politics; and the explanations for its next demise.The quantity additionally presents the 1st ever systematic exam of the connection among syndicalism and communism, concentrating on the ideological and political conversion to communism undertaken via a number of the syndicalist movement's prime figures and the measure of synthesis among the 2 traditions in the new communist events that emerged within the early Twenties.
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Additional info for Syndicalism and the Transition to Communism (Studies in Labour History)
52 V. St. ), p. 17. , p. 12. Philosophy and Practice 31 No consideration of a contract with a section of the working class absolved any section of us from the duty of taking instant action to protect other sections when said sections were in danger from the capitalist enemy. 54 Syndicalists everywhere refused to build up large strike funds or to provide unemployment, sickness and death beneﬁts for members and their families. On the one hand, this was because they were concerned to avoid the amassing of a large treasury in the hands of a centralised union bureaucracy that might develop its own interests remote from the members and attempt to oppose strikes.
It followed that different political conceptions (even if they were proclaimed to be class or socialist ideologies) should not be introduced into the unions. This was seen to be necessary since, to be effective in their role of bringing pressure to bear on employers over wages and working conditions, the unions needed to organise as many workers as possible on the basis of their common non-controversial economic interests, irrespective of their political views. They had to be composed of all workers of all views, which meant that to introduce political views would be to risk division, thereby hindering mass action and weakening the union in the face of the employers.
16 B. Holton, British Syndicalism 1900–1914 (London, 1976), p. 21. 17 Industrial Worker, 8 May 1913. Syndicalism and the Transition to Communism 20 in Britain served as crucially important propaganda outlets and organisers of the movement. Moreover, whilst most syndicalists were industrial militants necessarily concerned with day-to-day problems of the shopﬂoor, the horizons of the movement were by no means limited to immediate economic issues. In fact, many syndicalist leaders, despite having little formal education, were what might be termed ‘worker intellectuals’, not only gifted in their line of political involvement and union work but also intellectually engaged and familiar with anarchist and Marxist theory.