By André C. Drainville
This e-book is an cutting edge and unique addition to the literature on globalization which examines the demanding situations confronted by means of these wishing to increase innovative visions of obvious international governance and civil society. the writer strains the heritage and improvement of the associations of worldwide governance (The international financial institution, IMF, WTO and so on) in addition to the emergence of the anti-globalization circulation. the writer argues that we're at a distinct second the place social forces have moved from nationwide and foreign struggles to an international fight and intervention on the planet economic climate.
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Extra info for Contesting Globalization: Space and Place in the World Economy
More explicitly (by borrowing still another structuralist term in need of rescuing): I will use urban thought-images to make real-abstract concepts, that is to say concepts drawn from practice (what Althusser called le concret de l’action) and linked to it, but relatively autonomous from conjunctural happening. Although like them abstracted from practice, real-abstract concepts (le concret de pensée) have nothing to do with the vulgar analogies that are so prevalent now in the analysis of global social relations.
This is especially remarkable in works that enquire into global (or transnational) ‘advocacy networks’ active in a variety of ﬁelds: the environment (Lipschutz and Mayer 1996; Newell 2000), human rights (Dunne and Wheeler 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Risse-Kappen et al. 1999; Sikkink 1993), religion (Beckford 2000; Beyer 1994), women’s issues (Cockburn 2000b), labour activism (Munck 2000; Waterman 1988; 1995), and gay and lesbian politics (Adam 1987, 82–89). As works of the ﬁrst cluster took prevailing social and power relationships for granted and ﬁt humanity to existing institutions, so do these most often take for granted an order of consciousness and imagine a political subject to carry it.
Social forces that are taken to preside over the ﬂow, or proﬁt from them, are taken to be part of what Manuel Castells called the ‘technocratic-ﬁnancial-managerial elite’, a cartoonish character whose power is so absolute and transcendental, whose hegemony is so complete, that social forces opposed to it can be thought of only as rhetorical subjects, in whose name political plans and agendas need to be drawn. Neither winners nor losers, of course, get to be studied as subjects of their own history.