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By Yang Jiang

Utilizing first-hand interview information, Yang Jiang unearths the main traits of China's exchange and fiscal politics after its WTO accession. specifically, she highlights the impact of competing household pursuits, executive firms and various rules on China's overseas fiscal coverage.

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China’s Policymaking for Regional Economic Cooperation

Utilizing first-hand interview information, Yang Jiang unearths the foremost developments of China's exchange and fiscal politics after its WTO accession. specifically, she highlights the impact of competing household pursuits, executive firms and varied principles on China's overseas financial coverage.

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Whether CAFTA would serve this purpose or exacerbate the problem, however, is a question to be discussed later. 11 Chinese policymakers also hoped that some Chinese enterprises would transfer the production of saturated or sunset industries from China to ASEAN, which would help China to get rid of some excess capacity and to move up the value chain. Moreover, they envisaged that Chinese companies investing in an ASEAN country would be able to find new export markets in ASEAN with a low tariff under the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and avoid the high barriers imposed by developed countries against Chinese products, utilising special treatments enjoyed by the least developed countries (LDCs) such as Cambodia (interviews with scholars at Renmin University, CICIR and CASS in February and March 2006, with MOFCOM officials in March and May 2006 in Beijing).

In 2011, China surpassed Japan and the EU for the first time to become ASEAN’s biggest trading partner. Surprised by China’s unprecedented initiative and the swiftness of the subsequent materialisation of CAFTA, observers have asked many questions regarding China’s regional diplomacy and foreign economic policy. For example, the Chinese government reduced tariffs in agriculture and let ASEAN countries keep protection over some manufacturing products—was China aiming at long-term benefits by giving shortterm concessions in order to get ASEAN on board the FTA, as some ASEAN countries suspected?

As Japan and South Korea have a lot of interest in investment in China, they demanded that an investment treaty should be signed first as precondition to launching the FTA negotiations. China accepted the demand, as China also hoped to protect its investors in its push for domestic companies to ‘go out’ (zou chuqu). Negotiations over a trilateral investment treaty were launched in 2007 and signed in May 2012. At the same time, in the trilateral FTA discussions, South Korea and Japan blamed each other for dragging their feet and expressed interest in a bilateral FTA with China first, for fear of losing to each other in the Chinese market.

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