By Dave McRae
Regardless of no earlier heritage of modern unrest, Poso, from 1998-2007, grew to become the positioning of the main protracted inter-religious clash in postauthoritarian Indonesia, in addition to some of the most vital theatres of operations for the Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist community. 9 years of violent clash among Christians and Muslims in Poso increased a formerly little recognized district in jap Indonesia to nationwide and worldwide prominence. Drawing on a decade of analysis, for the main half performed whereas the clash used to be ongoing, this ebook presents the 1st entire heritage of this violence. It additionally addresses the puzzle of why the Poso clash used to be in a position to persist for therefore lengthy in an more and more, reliable democratic nation, regardless of the occur weaknesses of the small teams of guys riding the violence.
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Extra info for A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia
Each riot saw mostly Catholic indigenous populations attack Muslim migrants, many of whom were Bugis settlers from Sulawesi (Bertrand 2004:94–100; Steenbrink 1998). The second set of riots took place from 1996–1997, with the earlier incidents in a series of towns in Java, after which riots also took place in the outer island provincial capitals of Banjarmasin and Makassar (Sidel 2006:68–105; Bertrand 2004:100–102; Purdey 2006:38–76). Not all of these riots could be labelled unambiguously as episodes of conflict between religious communities.
Under 1999 decentralization legislation, local parties nominated slates of a district head and vice district head, and then selected the winner through a ballot of the district parliament. A new decentralization law in 2004 retained the role of parties in nominating candidates, but altered the election to a direct popular ballot. The first direct elections for district heads were held in mid-2005. In a subsequent modification resulting from a Constitutional Court decision, independent candidates can now also context district head elections.
Instead, Aragon (2007:39–44) characterizes Poso’s system of rent-seeking as constituting ‘non-market corruption’, in which patronage operated according to communal alliances rather than being based solely upon simple material incentives. She observes that this system gave rise to ‘unequal opportunity buying’, in which everyone typically paid to capture resources, but where ‘the same sums of money could not always buy the same slice’. In practice, such ‘non-market corruption’ doubtless worked through multiple webs of only partially overlapping alliances.